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According to Kantian philosophy, it is freedom that should sanction religion and not religion that should sanction freedom. This thesis is the basic condition for religious tolerance, and it is grounded in three principles that regulate the relationship between politics and religion, namely: the principle of non-coercive force of religious belief; the moral requirement of truthfulness in professions of belief; and, the submission of religion to the principle of publicity. The objective of this paper is to present, explain and justify the application of these three principles towards the notion of religion and to indicate how they might help to understand political and moral issues regarding religious intolerance. ; De acordo com a filosofia kantiana, é a liberdade que deve sancionar a religião e não a religião que deve sancionar a liberdade. Esta tese é a condição básica para a tolerância religiosa, e é fundamentada em três princípios que regulam a relação entre política e religião, a saber: o princípio da força não-coerciva da crença religiosa; o requisito moral da veracidade nas profissões de crença; e a submissão da religião ao princípio da publicidade. O objectivo deste artigo é o de apresentar, explicar e justificar a aplicação desses três princípios em relação à noção de religião e indicar como eles podem ajudar a compreender questões políticas e morais relacionadas com a intolerância religiosa. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Research on Euroscepticism focuses increasingly on the role of group identities: national identities and attitudes towards multiculturalism. Yet hardly any attention has been paid to the way in which religious intolerance shapes Euroscepticism. We argue that religious intolerance influences not only diffuse Euroscepticism, but also more specifically opposition to enlargement of the European Union with Turkey. To examine the relationship between religious intolerance and Euroscepticism, this article analyses unique data from two representative surveys conducted in Ireland and the Netherlands. Our findings show that religious intolerance is indeed a powerful determinant of attitudes towards the European Union and that it particularly shapes people's attitudes towards future Turkish enlargement. This study therefore contributes to the literature by demonstrating that social identities are strong determinants of Euroscepticism.

Whether in India, Pakistan, or Myanmar, governments have failed to protect minorities, and too often politicians have pandered to agitators stirring up sectarian hatred.

Whether in India, Pakistan, or Myanmar, governments have failed to protect minorities, and too often politicians have pandered to agitators stirring up sectarian hatred.

Introduction -- Religious intolerance in colonial America -- Anti-Catholicism -- Anti-Mormonism -- Intolerance toward nineteenth-century religious groups -- Intolerance toward Native American religions -- Anti-semitism -- Intolerance toward "new" religions in the twentieth century -- The Branch Davidians and Waco : the culmination of religious intolerance -- Conclusion -- Appendix: Web resources for combating religious intolerance

Post-civil war, Buddhism has gone from being a privileged religion in Sri Lanka to a hegemonic religion. If the ethnic conflict with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam calcified Sinhalese Buddhist sensibilities, the comprehensive victory over the group has emboldened Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists who insist on majority superordination and minority subordination. This essay discusses how the nationalist ideology undergirding Sinhalese Buddhist majoritarianism has exacerbated religious intolerance especially towards the island's Muslims and Christian Evangelicals. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

Mass elections are key mechanisms for collective decision-making. But they are also blamed for creating intergroup enmity, particularly while they are underway; politicians use polarizing campaign strategies, and losing sides feel resentful and marginalized after results are announced. I investigate the impact of election proximity-that is, closeness to elections in time-on social cleavages related to religion, a salient form of group identity worldwide. Integrating data from ∼1.2 million respondents across 25 cross-country survey series, I find no evidence that people interviewed shortly before or after national elections are more likely to express negative attitudes toward religious outgroups than those interviewed at other times. Subgroup analysis reveals little heterogeneity, including by levels of political competition. Generalized social trust, too, is unaffected by election calendars. Elections may not pose as great a risk to social cohesion as is commonly feared.

The article focuses on the origins and further evolution of the Church Schism in Russia as well as on the legal status of the representatives of the Old Believers in Russia. Church reforms initiated by patriarch Nikon and the local Church Council in 1666-1667 banned all elements of the old Russian church tradition and outlawed Old Believers. Russian legislation viewed Old Believers as church and state criminals. However, in spite of strong discrimination from state and official church, Old Believers remained mostly loyal to Russian state. Gradual improvement of the legal status of the Old Believers started in XVIII century. Decree on religious tolerance issued by the emperor Nikolas II on 17 April, 1905, proclaimed Old Believers as legally recognized church organization.

Cover -- Roots of Discrimination -- 1 A History of Violence -- 2 The Day the World Changed -- 3 The Last "Acceptable" Prejudice -- 4 Combating Islamophobia -- 5 Rising Rhetoric -- Timeline -- Glossary -- Further Information -- Selected Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author

It analyses aspects of religious intolerance in Brazil, its cause-and-effect relationship with radical proselytism, negative consequences for the exercise of the right to religious freedom and other human rights, some manifestations in the Brazilian multireligious scenario, some potentially effective instruments for prevention intolerance, among which are the practices of alterity. It shows that Brazil, does not present a chaotic picture in terms of intolerance, but has worrying records of persecution, discrimination and acts of violence, for religious reasons, which should serve as a warning for implementation of affirmative actions and public policies regarding the duty of respect and solidarity with others.